Ajit Singh's Historic Speech
Transcription of Sardar Ajit Singh's Historic Speech From the Pagdi Sambhal Jatta Movement and his Perspective Taken From his Autobiography
“With the strength of the [Majha] and shout of the Malwa we will not lose the title holders” (Ajit Singh, 1907)
Bhagat Singh (1907-1931) embraced martyrdom at a very young age, after having lived an illustrious life. Descending from an aristocratic family that birthed Khalsa Sardars, they slowly evolved into Arya Samajists as generations passed. Bhagat Singh’s uncle, Ajit Singh (1881-1947) is one such character that was an initiated Sikh but ultimately died as a Patit or an apostate. Ajit Singh was a source of inspiration for Bhagat Singh, engaging in various political and revolutionary movements. One of these movements happened to be the Pagdi Sambhal Jatta movement.
With the rise of more effective communication, Punjabi agriculturalists were able to understand their dire situation in British India. This resulted in revolutionaries such as Ajit Singh taking the charge and inspiring rural and urban Punjabis alike against the British colonizers. For the first time since 1907, Ajit Singh’s speech will be published. Sourced from the June 24, 1907 edition of The Homeward Mail from India, China, is and the East.
“[The 1907 disturbances] shook the colonial state to its roots.” (Satvinder Juss, 2022)1
In a telegram sent to the secretary of state, John Morley (1838-1923) by Viceroy Lord Minto (1845-1914)— “On 21st April [1907] a meeting was held at Rawalpindi, said to have been attended by 8,000 or 10,000 men. A well-known pleader [Sardar Ajit Singh] presided, and another pleader [Amolak Ram Kapoor] spoke on the subject of increased land revenue and the prosecution of the Punjabi newspaper.” John Morley then adds—“One speaker [Hans Raj Bhandari] said the people of the Punjaub must be prepared to; sacrifice their lives for the Motherland. Those who were afraid of bloodshed had better go Home.”
Addressing an audience of thousands, Sardar Ajit Singh takes the stage. With a distinct black turban adorning his head, he recites the infamous poem penned by Banke Dayal. “O pagdi sambhal jatta pagdi sambhal oye, Tera lut na jaaye (Oh Jatt, take care of your turban, take care of your turban, [for] your [pride] must not be stolen).” The secretary of the meeting and reputable lawyer from Lahore, Amolak Ram Kapoor stands up next, informing the audience of the issues that will be tackled. Followed by Hans Raj Bhandari, the holder of the presidential chair. Speaking solely in Punjabi, Hans Raj reiterates the call for sacrifice:
“O brothers, swear Hindoos with their Ram Ram, Mahomedans repeating their Kalma and vow to unite preparing to fight until you will be successful. If you die, think you die of the [Bubonic] plague, if you are imprisoned, think you are going on this period for pilgrimage. Until you unite and are prepared to fight and die, do not expect success to crown your efforts.”
Flowers are thrown upon the speakers profusely, the audience consisting of mainly rural agriculturalists revere the words that ignite their spirit. Hans Raj invites Ajit Singh to once again take the lead— “My brother, Ajit Singh, a lover of his country and race, has specially come from Lahore for this purpose, and will explain fully and clearly how success can be attained.” Ajit Singh begins:
“Hindoo brothers, Mahomedan brothers, Jat brothers, Sepoy brothers, official brothers, military brothers, —We are all one. Government is not even as dust before us. We raised our heads against Government on April 16 in the same manner that the Bengalis did on October 16. The dates coincide and are lucky days. We raised our heads in Lahore on April 16.
The real rulers are the Jats. The King is our Kamin. It is not proper to give petitions to our Kamins, rather be ashamed that Khitmagers or Kamin should mete out justice to us. The Deputy Commissioner, the Deputy Superintendent of Police, and other high officials are all our servants. It is degrading to have our case decided by them. Brothers, we are twenty-nine crores, they one and a half lacs. Admitted they have guns, but these can be blown away by the breath of twenty-nine crores, and for themselves we have our fists.
I met a Russian once, and he said to me one and a half lacs are ruling twenty-nine crores. This is preposterous. Government is a great liar and tyrant; do not expect sympathy from it. Sympathy for you it has none.
I will give you some instances from which you will understand what I mean. During the Mutiny in 1857 Government was sorely harassed, and to save itself it made several promises which it has never ratified, but on the contrary revenue has been enhanced fourfold and sixfold on sugar-cane and cotton in order to benefit English trade, that money going into the English purses and the Indian trade of these articles has been ruined. The revenue on wheat has not been increased, for that is exported to England.
And now an instance to show you the sympathy the ruler has for you. When famine raged throughout India, Lord [Robert Bulwer] Lytton came to Delhi to make arrangements. By the roadside people were dying of starvation, while the Lord Sahib reclined at his ease in a landau (carriage). He did not notice if it was animals or human beings that were dying, all he thought of was his own luxury. He was not Lytton—I call him Luton (robber).
Another instance of how kings should treat their subjects: In China there was one a famine that lasted long. The King empties his treasury for his country to such an extent that if his people had a gram for their meals he partook of the same frugal fare. Sorely pressed the people told him that if he went through the streets barefooted and bareheaded then perhaps God would have mercy. With this request he complied and forthwith rain fell.
Brothers, compare both these instances and you can easily tell how you are treated, and whether your ruler is fit to be King. Now is the time, unite. It is no great thing to give your head and life for your country. Later you will regret the lost opportunity. If you cannot unite, arise and go home. We have not, I hope, fallen so low that we cannot arise.
With the strength of the Moja and shout of the Malwa we will not lose the title holders, Khan and Rai Bahadur have ruined us by taking lunghis and chudders; no one hears our voice. This is the rule of the feringhee, a khan or sweaper; whichever he be all are tyrants of equal degree; no one hears our voice.
There are many ways of being successful. In Bengal the Government insisted on the growing of indigo, and to enforce this the people were threatened that their women should be violated by Pathans if they failed to comply. For a brief period did the Bengalis carry out this order, but at length they united and were successful, and no more compulsion was used.
If you unite cannot you be successful? In England women to gain their object broke the doors of the Houses of Parliament and obtained their object, and this was the fruits of unity.
A further proof of Governments avarice I will demonstrate. You may think think the Government is showing you favour, but really it is merely obtaining its own object. In Lyallpore the punishment for cutting a stick was at first imprisonment. They found, however, that such a procedure was costly, as prisoners had to be fed. On them, thereupon, they inflicted fines in order to fill the treasury. O brothers, unite or you will regret it.”’
In his autobiography, Sardar Ajit Singh shares his perspective regarding the situation.
“Throughout my speech enthusiasm went on increasing and there was no sign of fatigue in the public. In detail I explained Doab Bari revenue enhancement because Lahore and adjoining areas were affected by the measure. Increase of land revenue in Rawalpindi district and Colonisation Act also came under review, but Ilhese] were not so fully explained. I laid stress on the injustices of British Raj, Indigo Act and how they destroyed Indian industry. This proved an eye-opener to the public who had always considered the British just and fair-minded people. British prestige was shaken; nobody after that considered the British just or even humane. British people were much inferior in number, that police was ours, most of the military was ours and that if we moved unitedly we could drive the British out. This brought awakening and political consciousness among the public and they lost terror of the British. After finishing my speech I announced that on Sunday next there would be another meeting, the public could go now, only those should stay who wanted to participate in the movement and were prepared to undergo sufferings and make sacrifices. About 180 persons stayed, the rest left and they assured me of their willingness to make any sacrifice in the cause of the country. I allotted them duties and sent some of them to Lyallpur district and asked them to tour villages and explain to the public the harm these measures would do them. I chose Lyallpur district as our centre for agitation because of it being a nearly developed area. It had people from almost all parts of the Punjab as also retired military people. Retired military people, thought, could be useful in bringing about a revolt in the army. These men in their tour of Lyallpur district explained to the people how injustice was being dolce to the public in the shape of Doab Bari Act, Colonisation Act and increase of land revenue. After baying prepared this ground an epoch-making meeting was held in Lyallpur on 3rd March 1907. At this meeting Mr. Banke Dayai, Editor of Jhang Sayal, read the historic poem "Pugree Sambhal Oh Jatta".
It became very popular and it was heard everywhere in the Punjab resounding the skies. People, however, mistook this poem as mine.
It was our desire that L. Lajpat Raj and other prominent leaders should participate in this meeting, but we knew that they would refuse if they came to know that I was organiser of this meeting. So we deputed Ram Bhuj Dut to encourage and persuade L. Lajpat Rai and other leaders to come to Lyallpur and address the meeting. From Lahore to Lyallpur, Lala and his party and myself traveled in the same train but I took care not to allow Lala to become aware of this fact. We had arranged that Lala should be given a warm reception at the Lyalpur station, and people gathered in huge numbers to receive him. He was given a tremendous ovation and profusely garlanded, and taken out in a procession. His carriage was drawn by men instead of animals to show public esteem and regard for him. I availed of this opportunity to my advantage and straight from the railway station I went to the meeting and addressed it. As soon as Lala reached the meeting I finished my speech. Lala on seeing me there shuddered. I explained to the public about our strength, that police and military were ours, that instead of paying enhanced land revenue we should not pay a penny to the Government.
Lala was first hesitant in addressing the meeting but people shouted that they were anxious to listen to Lala ji in fact Lain was compelled to do so, because I winked at Rani Bhuj Dutt and he stood up and announced that Lalaji would now address the meeting. Lalajl at first started in restraint but seeing the public enthusiasm, he made one of his finest speeches, full of eloquence and spirit. His speech over, two or three other speakers spoke and then again I spoke. When I was making my second speech the organizers of the meeting did not like me to speak and they said that they were not responsible for the meeting and they left. But the public continued listening me. In this speech I stressed that the police and military ware composed of zamindars, and that these men should resign and come back to their homes. Land revenue should not be given. Government servants and officials should be completely boycotted.
1907 being the 5ffih anniversary of 1857 revolt, the Government got terrified. Maltreatment of Indians in army helped in bringing unrest and sudden signs of revolt ia the army. The British Government itself helped in winning army support for me by issuing circulars that they should not listen to Ajit Singh. This proved their contribution (sic) in alienating army trust and feelings for them. The Sudden change in the treatment of Indian soldiers, which (sic) were hitherto mis-treated, also created doubts in the minds of Indian soldiers. The more the Indian soldiers were asked not to listen to me, the more the Indian soldiers drew towards me, if not for anything else only through curiosity.
After Lyallpur meeting I undertook a hurricane tour of the Punjab and visited prominent cities such as Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Ferozepur, Ambala, Jullunder, Kasur. Multan, Gujranwala, Rawalpindi. etc. At Ferozopore a deputation of Indian soldiers waited on me and assured me of their support. I explained to them how their loyalty was exploited by the British Government and how their own people were being put to repression and that their first allegiance and loyalty was to their country and their countrymen. The organisers of the Rawalpindi meeting were all arrested and the public there arranged another meeting on 2nd April to which Lala Lajpat Rai was invited.
I was of the firm conviction that the meeting would be banned and that Lalaji would not be allowed to speak at the meeting. I also hoarded the same train in which Lala was travelling but took care that Lala did not come to know of it. When we reached Rawalpindi, we came to know that the meeting had been banned and Lain was served [with a ] notice by the police that he could not speak at the meeting. Lain from Railway station went to district Courts to plead the case of arrested lawyers. They were the organizers of the previous meeting which I had addressed and I took this opportunity of addressing the crowd which had assembled at' the railway station. The police on seeing that Lala had left for District Courts went for relaxation, considering that there would be no meeting for speeches now and left the field open to me. The military was called out and the commander of the military asked us to disperse failing which he would order shooting. Nobody moved from his place and he ordered for shooting, but Indian soldier instead of directing their guns at the public aimed them at their commander and said if he gave a similar order again they would shoot him. Seeing this he asked the Indian soldiers to return to the cantonment and himself also left with them. The meeting was over and I came back, but the mob went astray and manhandled many Britishers on their way, burnt offices and churches. The Britishers became harassed and terrified to such an extent that they began mistrusting police, C.I.D., their domestic and even military and all Government servants. At Rawalpindi, Indian military personnel wanted to wait upon L,Lajpat Rai in deputation but he refused to receive them. Then the deputation waited on me and I explained to them their duty towards their country and countrymen.
There were riots in Rawalpindi, Gujranwala, Lahore etc. British personnel were manhandled, mud was flung at them, offices and churches were burnt, telegraph poles and wires cut. In Multan Division Railway workers went on strike and the strike was called off only when the acts had been cancelled. The Superintendent of Police, Mr. Phillips, in Lahore was beaten by rioters. British civil servants sent their families to Bombay and ships were chartered to take them to England if the situation got worse. Somefamilies were transferred to forts. My elder brother. S.Kishen Singfi and younger brother S. Swaran Singh, were arrested in this connection. Such was the terror that Britishers stepped apppearing in public places or going to cinemas or coming to bazars.
Lord Kitchener got terrified since peasantry was becoming rebellious, military and police were unreliable. Morely made a statement in the House of Commons that in all 33 meetings took place in the Punjab, out of which 19 were addressed by S. Ajit Singh. That increase in land revenue was not the cause of this unrest. It was with a view to finishing British rule in India that it was being used as a political stunt.
The result of all this agitation was that all the three bills were cancelled. Lala Lajpat Rai was arrested before the cancellation of the bills on 9th May, 1907. This irritate the public further and riots again broke out in Lahore. Guns were installed at Lawrence Garden and other places in Lahore to stop public [from] attacking Government offices. On hearing L. Lajpat Rai arrest I went underground and re-appeared on 2nd June when I gave myself up for arrest. It was in Amritsar. I wrote to police authorities that at a certain time I would go out for a walk when they could come and take me in custody. This I did to avoid public demonstration and to avoid breaking [out] of riots etc. While underground I spent most of time in a small mandir in Lahore, the priest of which was one of our enthusiastic workers.”
Ajit Singh’s passion and conviction was evident in every single word he uttered on stage. His ability to draw on numerous examples that were related to the struggle seamlessly tied together his powerful message.
Below is an earlier article on the Sikh history of the Sandhu family and their native village.
Satvinder Juss, Bhagat Singh: A Life in Revolution (Penguin Random House India, 2022)